We are resuming our program of international roundtables under our Center for the Analysis & Development of Russophone Diasporas. We invite you to join us for its first event of the year that will take place on Feb. 6, bringing together the formal and informal partners and supporters of Russia’s International Memorial Society from around the world. To RSVP, please go to We also encourage you to RSVP on the event’s Facebook page:

INTERNATIONAL ZOOM FORUM OF RUSSIA’S MEMORIAL SOCIETY FRIENDS & PARTNERS (Feb. 6, 2022, 1pm EST) – for more details, click here / МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЙ ЗУМ-ФОРУМ ПАРТНЁРОВ И ДРУЗЕЙ “МЕМОРИАЛА” (6 февр. 2022 г., 1 ч. дня по Нью-Йорку) – подробности здесь


Our final roundtable of the year took place on Dec. 14. It was dedicated to the 10th anniversary of the Fair Vote for Russia movement in the Russian-speaking diaspora and this movement’s place in the international dynamic of this decade marked by autocracies’ advance and civil society resistance. ‘Fair Vote for Russia’ was the main unifying slogan of the most massive movement for democratic changes under Vladimir Putin’s rule and against his return to the presidency in 2011-12. The roundtable brought together some of the organizers and participants of FVR rallies from New York, Moscow, London, Leipzig, and Melbourne. You can view the video that incorporates the main fragments of this discussion here: / 14 декабря 2021 г. мы провели международный круглый стол, посвящённый 10-й годовщине международного движения в российской диаспоре “За честные выборы в России” и месту этого движения в динамике событий этого десятилетия, отмеченного наступлением автократий на своих реальных и воображаемых противников в собственных странах и вовне, а также встречным сопротивлением гражданского общества. На нём выступили некоторые из организаторов и участников акций этого движения в Нью-Йорке, Москве, Лондоне, Лейпциге и Мельбурне. Наш видеоматериал, посвящённый 10-летию этого движения, включающий в себя основные фрагменты этого круглого стола, можно посмотреть здесь:


International Forum of Anti-Authoritarian Organizers and Analysts of Russia’s Global Diaspora

Tuesday, December 14, 4pm New York time – 10pm Central European time

In December 2011, after widespread evidence of Russia’s authorities (yet another) rigging of elections was publicized in the media, something unprecedented in Russia’s history started to occur: not only did hundreds of thousands of Russians inside the country express their indignation (as many times before) by rallying for fair elections in the streets – but also thousands of Russians abroad critical of the Kremlin actions raised their voices in solidarity with them, for the first time ever. On December 10-12 and again on December 24, protest rallies were held in front of Russia’s embassies and consulates across four continents – not just in the traditional centers of the Russian diaspora (such as the US, Germany, or Israel), but also in many other countries across Europe, from Ireland to Lithuania, and even in such distant places as Australia and several East Asian countries. These street actions around the world, unified by the demand for fair elections in Russia and for the release of its political prisoners, continued unabated for the next several months during Vladimir Putin’s return, after a four-year hiatus, to the Russian presidency.

Yet even after his inauguration and the brutal crackdown of the domestic opposition movement on the Bolotnaya Square on May 7, 2012, which crushed the hopes for a democratic “Russian Spring”, Russians abroad continued to organize. They did this not only by staging new rallies, but also by petitioning Western governments and international institutions to pass the Sergei Magnitsky Act and otherwise to take a stronger stand on human rights in Russia, as well as by setting up new organizations and developing an intellectual and institutional space for a “parallel” civil society for Russians outside of their country. This community-building took an important new turn after the Putin administration’s aggression against Ukraine, when many of the same Russians abroad joined forces with parts of the Ukrainian diaspora in denouncing the Kremlin’s violations of Ukraine’s integrity, its human rights abuse in the Crimea, and its incitement of conflict between the Russian and the Ukrainian people. This was followed by even more Russian diaspora activism in support of the Belarusians’ struggle against their own rigged elections, and finally this year by massive rallies against the arrest and the sentencing of Alexey Navalny and in support of other political prisoners in Russia.

These ten years certainly saw many ups and downs in the development of this anti-authoritarian part of the Russian diaspora as it has sought to define its identity and to have a voice in Russian and international affairs. And yet this period generated a significant amount of valuable experience, including some tangible achievements, as well as lessons and insights not only for the future of the political emigration from Russia, but also for a broader understanding of diasporas from authoritarian countries in the West, their political agencies and prospects.

Regrettably, these developments have been virtually ignored by most Western media and experts – focused, as usual, on the relations between the regime and the opposition in Moscow and the few people symbolizing this “high politics”. The 10th anniversary of the “Fair Vote in Russia” movement is an occasion for us to help Western Russia-watchers to expand their horizons and to engage with the rising civil society of the Russian diaspora at the organizational, analytical, and policy levels. Launching such a dialogue between anti-authoritarian Russians living abroad and the Western media, philanthropy, academic and policy world is the primary aim of our convening – the international Zoom-forum of organizers and analysts of our global diaspora. Its main section will consist of a panel, entirely in English, in which representatives of Russian diaspora groups from several countries will share their experience and analysis of the past ten years.

We invite you to join us in this conversation on December 14, 2021, via Zoom. To RSVP please email or go to the event’s Facebook page.

ORGANIZING COMMITTEE: Maxime Filandrov (Paris, France), Dmitri Glinski (New York, USA), Andrew Grigorenko (New York, USA), Alexander von Hahn (Leipzig, Germany), Petr Kuzmin (Melbourne, Australia), Nadia Medvedeva (Barcelona, Spain), Natalia Pelevine (Moscow, Russia), Andrey Sidelnikov (London, UK)



Международный форум организаторов и аналитиков

Вторник, 14 декабря 2021 г., 4 дня по Нью-Йорку – 10 вечера в Центральной Европе

В декабре этого года исполняется десять лет с тех пор как впервые в истории демократически настроенные российские граждане, находившиеся на тот момент вне России – а также их единомышленники, представители многих национальностей, российскими гражданами не являвшиеся, но сопереживавшие им, – поддержали протесты внутри страны против фальсификации итогов думских выборов, проведя митинги солидарности напротив российских представительств в десятках городов мира. Для демократической части российского общества, в том числе и диаспоры, это был период наивысшего гражданского подъёма с начала 1990-х, многообещающих надежд на то, что власти придётся пойти навстречу обществу и начать политические реформы, которые раскрепостят страну и откроют возможности коллективной и личной самореализации в этом процессе. Движение за честные выборы в России было также и частью глобальных попыток изменить соотношение сил в незападных странах в пользу демократии.

Как известно, это движение – оказавшееся по сути движением против возвращения в Кремль Владимира Путина и стоявших за ним контрреформаторских «силовых» и бизнес-интересов – было в течение нескольких месяцев подавлено Кремлём. За этим последовало «болотное дело», другие, всё более гнусные и жестокие формы расправы с недовольными и даже просто неугодными согражданами. За прошедшее десятилетие Россия откатилась далеко вспять от того уровня свобод и правовых гарантий, на котором она находилась тогда, оказалась втянута в кровавые военные авантюры за пределами своих международно признанных границ, впервые подверглась санкциям и вот-вот переступит или уже переступила порог, за которым начинается тоталитарная диктатура.

И вместе с тем коллективные усилия того времени далеко не пропали впустую. В частности, в российском и, шире, русскоязычном зарубежье они подтолкнули процесс формирования институтов и постоянных площадок для выражения солидарности с российскими протестующими и жертвами репрессий – от регулярных митингов напротив роспредставительств до создания долгосрочных организационных проектов, в том числе для регулярной коммуникации с западными правительствами по российской правозащитной проблематике. По ходу этих митингов, петиционных кампаний, подготовки материалов для слушаний в американском Конгрессе, организации синхронных акций протеста в различных городах и странах и, конечно же, разрешения неизбежных при этом разногласий российская демократическая диаспора впервые со времени распада СССР начала обретать собственную гражданскую идентичность, свой голос и лицо как (пока ещё потенциальный) субъект международных отношений и, вполне вероятно, будущих преобразований в послепутинской России.

По случаю десятилетия событий 2011-12 гг. ряд организаторов и участников акций того времени напротив роспредставительств в странах Запада организуют зум-диалог с западными экспертами, журналистами, общественными деятелями о значении этих событий не только в российской, но и в мировой истории 21 века, в контексте глобального противостояния между демократическими и авторитарными силами. Наш форум состоится во вторник 14 декабря. Первые выступления на нём будут по-английски, а последующие – по-русски. На нём выступят по одному из организаторов от каждой из стран, являющихся крупным центром российской диаспоры , а также и те, кто участвовал в организации митингов в зарубежье, но на сегодняшний день живёт в России. В силу естественных ограничений мы не сможем предоставить трибуну всем и каждому и не претендуем на представительство всего движения, а будем считать свою цель достигнутой, если за этим форумом последуют и другие, организованные другими участниками событий. Записаться на участие во встрече можно по емейлу или на её фейсбук-странице.

ОРГАНИЗАТОРЫ ФОРУМА: Дмитрий Глинский (Нью-Йорк), Андрей Григоренко (Нью-Йорк), Пётр Кузьмин (Мельбурн), Надя Медведева (Барселона), Наталья Пелевина (Москва), Андрей Сидельников (Лондон), Максим Филандров (Париж), Александр фон Ган (Лейпциг)

Our Association’s leadership has been actively involved in civil society working groups created in preparation of the first Summit for Democracy convened by President Joe Biden for Dec. 9-10, 2021. As part of its efforts to make our communities’ voices heard and to contribute to the overall success of the summit, we convened an international roundtablePolitical Exiles From Autocracies As Citizens Of Democracies and As Transnational Actors“. The event was held on Nov. 30 in collaboration with Svoboda Alliance (Australia) and included among its speakers Russian environmental leader in exile Evgenia Chirikova; Belarusian entrepreneur and activist in exile, wife of political prisoner Alexander Vasilevich Nadia Zelenkova; former Member of Parliament of Ukraine and former deputy chief of the Humanitarian and Cultural Heritage Office of the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine Lyubov Stasiv; co-chair of the Board of our Association and daughter-in-law of Andrei Sakharov Tatiana Yankelevich; and other distinguished speakers. You can enjoy the full videorecording of this event here, or a shortened video summarizing this discussion that is available here). / Руководство АРПА приняло активное участие в деятельности рабочих групп, созданных в рамках подготовки Саммита за демократию, который инициировал президент Байден. В рамках программы мероприятий, призванных помочь демократической части нашей диаспоры быть услышанной на саммите и в целом способствовать его успеху, 30 ноября в сотрудничестве с нашими партнёрами в Австралии Svoboda Alliance мы провели круглый стол “Политэмигранты из стран с автократическими режимами как граждане демократического мира и участники международных процессов”. В числе выступивших на нём – координатор сайта Евгения Чирикова; беларусская политэмигрантка и жена политзаключённого Александра Василевича Надя Зеленкова; бывший депутат украинского парламента и бывший замруководитель отдела секретариата президента Украины по вопросам культурного наследия Любовь Стасив; сопредседатель совета директоров АРПА Татьяна Янкелевич; и другие. Полная видеозапись круглого стола опубликована ниже, а также здесь, а её сокращённый 20-минутный вариант, включающий в себя основные выдержки из дискуссии – здесь).


Международный круглый стол / International roundtable

Одна из сквозных тем ряда наших круглых столов – это анализ наследия наших предшественников по организации институтов русскоговорящей диаспоры, их положительного и отрицательного опыта. Накануне Дня политзаключённого 30 октября мы открыли сайт-архив Александра Болонкина (по адресу, а 31-го провели круглый стол, посвящённый этому сайту и проблеме справедливости в отношений жертв репрессий, включая 30-летие Закона о реабилитации, справедливость которого Болонкин пытался оспаривать в российском Конституционном суде. Видеозапись круглого стола можно посмотреть здесь:

Доктор технических наук Александр Болонкин до начала своей диссидентской деятельности был инженером и учёным-кибернетиком, работником авиационных и ракетных конструкторских бюро, преподавателем МВТУ им. Баумана. С начала 70-х участвовал в распространении самиздата и публикации нелегального журнала «Свободная мысль» с критикой советского госкапитализма, привилегий номенклатуры и её внешнеполитических авантюр. По содержанию его работ Болонкина можно условно отнести к «левой» части диссидентства (роль которой в развитии этого движения замалчивается или принижается с самого начала постсоветского периода). В 1972 г. Болонкин был арестован и с тех пор судим трижды (1973, 1978, 1982), проведя в тюрьме, лагере и ссылке дольше, чем большинство других инакомыслящих того времени. В его защиту неоднократно выступал Андрей Сахаров, упомянувший его в числе других политзаключённых в своей Нобелевской лекции и обращавшийся с просьбой о его поддержке к другому нобелевскому лауреату Лайнусу Полингу.

После 10 лет лагерей Болонкина силой и угрозами – как сообщалось в то время в самиздате и как он сам впоследствии неоднократно писал – принудили выступить по телевидению с покаянием и осуждением других диссидентов. Получив свободу, Болонкин сразу же подтвердил, что его выступление было недобровольным, а распространявшиеся КГБ от его имени документы были подделкой. Тем не менее, эти события в дальнейшем использовались против него, препятствуя его общественной работе.

В 1987 г. по завершении срока ссылки и благодаря перестройке Болонкин смог вернуться в Москву, но не имея здесь ни жилья, ни работы, вскоре покинул СССР. Оказавшись в США 55-летним беженцем без средств к существованию, он несмотря на это сумел утвердиться в научном мире: работал сотрудником Национального управления космоса и аэронавтики (NASA), преподавал в Нью-Джерсийском технологическом колледже, опубликовал десятки работ в американских научных изданиях. Одновременно с этим он вёл большую работу по строительству организаций гражданского общества в диаспоре, призванных помочь иммигрантам из бывшего Союза. Этой его деятельности препятствовали как отсутствие культуры благотворительности и взаимоуважения в нашей эмиграции, так и незаинтересованность соответствующих американских учреждений (которых он также, в отличие от большинства российских иммигрантов, не боялся открыто критиковать в случае несправедливости по отношению к себе и другим).

Главным содержанием его общественной деятельности в США была борьба за увеличение Россией компенсаций бывшим политзаключённым, пересмотр постсоветских законов о реабилитации, и, шире, за социальную и нравственную справедливость по отношению к ним и за интернационализацию этой проблемы. В 1992 г. он предпринял неудачную попытку коллективного иска в Верховный суд РФ от имени около 50 эмигрантов-бывших репрессированных и членов их семей. Основная часть материалов его сайта-архива посвящена этим попыткам.


Вячеслав БАХМИН (Москва) – сопредседатель Московской Хельсинкской группы, председатель правления Общественной комиссии по сохранению наследия академика Сахарова (являющейся учредителем Сахаровского центра в Москве). Участник диссидентского движения с конца 1960-х, в 1977 г. – один из организаторов Рабочей комиссии по расследованию использования психиатрии в политических целях, в 1980-85 гг. политзаключённый и ссыльный. В 1991-95 гг. – российский дипломат (заведующий Отделом глобальных проблем и гуманитарного сотрудничества, заместитель руководителя российской делегации в Комиссии ООН по правам человека). Позднее работал исполнительным директором московского отделения Фонда «Открытое общество».

Любовь СЕРЕДНЯК (Нью-Йорк) – журналист, редактор, графический дизайнер; участница диссидентского движения с начала 1970-х гг.; в качестве помощницы одного из ведущих украинских инакомыслящих Семёна Глузмана печатала материалы о карательной психиатрии и запрещённые произведения Виктора Некрасова, за что была арестована в возрасте 18 лет и провела год в заключении. В конце 1980-х – начале 1990-х участвовала в создании Международной ассоциации бывших советских политзаключённых и жертв коммунистического режима (МАСП), входила в её руководство, была главным редактором её бюллетеня. Член международного комитета “Save Baby Yar” («Спасём Бабий Яр»).

Дмитрий ИЛЮШИН, LL.M. (Нью-Йорк) – ассоциированный член Комитета по иностранному и сравнительному праву Нью-Йоркской городской ассоциации адвокатов; член Российской объединенной демократической партии “ЯБЛОКО”, в 2008-20 гг. член её Федерального Совета, в 2006-11 гг. работал юристом партии, в 2016 г. баллотировался по её списку в Государственную Думу. В 2011-16 гг. в качестве юриста-эксперта Национального исследовательского университета «Высшая школа экономики» оказывал правовое и экспертное сопровождение по различным аспектам реформы государственного управления. В 2013-16 гг. был экспертом Рабочей группы по вопросам совершенствования государственных закупок и государственных инвестиций Экс­перт­но­го со­ве­та при Пра­ви­тель­стве РФ.

ВедущийДмитрий ГЛИНСКИЙ (Нью-Йорк), канд.ист.наук, со-основатель, вместе с Александром Болонкиным и другими, Американской русскоязычной правозащитной ассоциации, соавтор ряда совместных с ним документов, включая свидетельские показания для слушаний в Палате представителей Конгресса по законопроекту им. Сергея Магнитского (2012 г.) В 1990-92 г. член оргкомитета и совета Движения «Демократическая Россия». Работал заместителем директора Института проблем глобализации (Москва), директором отдела межобщинных связей Афроамериканского института (Нью-Йорк), преподавал в Колумбийском университете (2004-09). Автор и соавтор ряда политологических работ, в т.ч. совместно с Питером Реддавэем ‘The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms: Market Bolshevism Against Democracy’ (2001).


Dr. Alexander Bolonkin (1933, Perm – 2020, New York) was a Soviet aviation engineer with a postdoctoral degree in cybernetics, designing rocket engines and lecturing at the most prestigious institutions in Moscow. Around 1970, he joined the dissident movement, disseminating the banned works of Andrei Sakharov and Alexander Solzhenitsyn as well as producing underground publications that denounced the rising inequality and corruption of the Soviet elite. Thus, he placed himself on the movement’s ‘left wing’ (which gets a rather short shrift in the history of dissent in Soviet Russia). He was soon arrested and sentenced three times in a row (1972, 1978, 1982), spending more time in the GULag than most other Brezhnev-era dissidents. Andrei Sakharov mentioned him among other political prisoners in his Nobel Prize lecture and repeatedly called for his release. In 1982, Dr. Bolonkin was forced by the authorities to recant on state TV and to denounce his movement; samizdat publications at the time noted that he did it under extreme duress, and that some of the denunciations of fellow dissidents ascribed to him at the time had been forged by the authorities. Immediately upon gaining freedom, he confirmed this information and disavowed the recantation that was extorted from him by the KGB.

Shortly after his return, under Gorbachev, from internal exile in Siberia, Dr. Bolonkin left the USSR. After coming to the United States as a refugee in 1988, he established himself as an engineer and a scientist, working for NASA and the U.S. Air Force, teaching at the New Jersey Institute of Technology, and publishing dozens of works in academic periodicals and books. He also invested his efforts into trying to build nonprofit institutions in the diaspora: he co-founded and led, since 1990, the International Association of Former Political Prisoners and Victims of the Communist Regime (IASPPV); in 2012, he became one of the co-founders and leaders of our own American Russian-speaking Association for Civil & Human Rights. Like other leaders of our community, his institution-building was thwarted by the lack of a philanthropic culture among Russian business establishment and by the lack of vested interest on the part of American institutions (which he was at times fearlessly exposing during his own struggle for equal opportunity in America).

The central issue that animated Dr. Bolonkin’s human rights activities in the US was the pursuit of justice for Soviet-era political prisoners and other victims of the regime, in the form of substantial reparations, as opposed to the minuscule payments provided under the 1991 laws on exoneration adopted by Russia and other republics. To this end, he tried to file a quasi-class action lawsuit on behalf of the victims in Russia’s Supreme Court, as well as to convince the US Government and the philanthropic world to provide support to the heroes of the Soviet-era human rights struggle.

On the eve of Russia’s Day of Political Prisoners (officially recognized in 1991 as the Day of Remembrance of Victims of Political Reprisals) we opened Alexander Bolonkin’s memorial website at On October 31, we held a roundtable to discuss his legacy as a dissident on the ‘progressive’ flank of the movement, as well as the issue of transitional justice and reparations for the victims of persecution, including the 30th anniversary of Russia’s Exoneration Law whose compensation provisions Dr. Bolonkin tried to challenge in Russia’s Constitutional Court. The video of our discussion (in Russian) can be viewed above.


Vyacheslav BAKHMIN (Moscow) – co-chair of the Moscow Helsinki Group; chair of the board of the Andrei Sakharov Heritage Commission; participant of the dissident movement since late 1960s; in 1977 became a co-organizer of its Working group on the political abuse of psychiatry. In 1980-85 he was a political prisoner and in internal exile. In 1991-95, he worked at Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, first as chief of Department on Global Issues and Humanitarian Cooperation, and later as deputy head of Russia’s delegation at the UN Human Rights Commission. After leaving civil service, he was executive director of the Open Society Foundation Moscow Office.  

Lyubov SEREDNYAK (New York) – journalist, editor, and graphic designer; participant of the dissident movement since the early 1970s; was arrested at the age of 18 and spent a year in jail for assisting Semyon Gluzman, a leading Soviet dissident in Ukraine, with typing his materials on Soviet psychiatric abuse as well as the banned works of Viktor Nekrasov. After coming to the US, collaborated with Alexander Bolonkin in the founding of the International Association of Former Soviet Political Prisoners and Victims of the Communist Regime, was a member of its leadership and the chief editor of of its bulletin. Member of ‘Save Baby Yar’ International Committee.

Dmitrii ILIUSHIN, LL.M. (New York) – associate member of Foreign and Comparative Law Committee of New York City Bar Association. A member of Russia’s United Democratic Party YABLOKO, he served on its Federal Council in 2008-20, worked as its legal counsel in 2006-2011, and ran for the State Duma as its candidate in 2016. In 2011-2016, he was a legal expert of Russia’s Higher School of Economics, providing support for various aspects of reforms of public administration in Russia. In 2013-2016, he served as expert of the Working Group on Procurement and Investment Policy of the Russian government Council of experts.

Moderator – Dr. Dmitri GLINSKI (New York), is a co-founder, jointly with Alexander Bolonkin, and co-chair of the board of the American Russian-speaking Association for Civil and Human Rights. In 1990-92, he was a member of the council of the Democratic Russia Movement; he was a Deputy Director of the Institute for Globalization Studies in Moscow, Director of Intercommunal Affairs at the Black Institute in New York, and in 2004-09, taught at Columbia University. Dr. Glinski authored and co-authored books, articles and reports, as well as, jointly with Alexander Bolonkin, a testimony for the hearings at the U.S. House of Representatives Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission during the passage of the Magnitsky Act (2012).

RUSSIA’S INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY ORGANIZERS IN EXILE / Summary of the roundtable held by the Center for the Analysis & Development of Russian-speaking Diasporas on 9/26/2021

The latest in our series of discussions on migration and migrants from former Soviet countries brought together participants from the United States, Norway, Sweden, and France. The three main speakers were prominent representatives of Russia’s indigenous peoples that were forced out of the country because of their advocacy and critique of the authorities:

  • Dmitry BEREZHKOV hails from the Itelmen, an ethnicity of circa 3,000 people in the Far East’s Kamchatka Peninsula that grew numerically threefold since the 1959 Census. An activist of the indigenous movement since 1990s, he worked for more than ten years as a vice-president of the Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON), overseeing its main office in Moscow and its cooperation with the Arctic Council. In 2011, he became one of the first indigenous community organizers to be forced to leave Russia which later requested his extradition from Norway on trumped-up charges but failed to obtain it. He is currently director of the Arctic Consult company consulting indigenous communities in Russia on international norms and their rights on lands, resources, and self-determination. He is also an editor of ‘Indigenous Russia’ (, a bilingual website covering corruption in the raw materials industry and related issues, as well as a member of the Aboriginal Forum, an informal network of independent experts, activists, leaders, and indigenous organizations from the Russian Arctic, Siberia, and Far East. Dmitry believes that Russia is going through the typical stages of imperial decay and disintegration and that the diaspora cannot do much to influence Russia’s development.
  • Yana TANNAGASHEVA is a representative of the Shor people of South Siberia, a historically Turkic-speaking ethnicity that counted 16,000 according to the 1939 Census but has now declined to less than 13,000. Their main base is in the Kemerovo Region where about 60% of Russian coal is being mined. Many Shors, including Yana’s family, were among the earliest protesters against environmental harm and forced displacement of their people that was carried out by government-controlled coal industry through buyouts of their homes under pressure starting from 2013. Community activists campaigned for an official tripartite agreement between the government, the industry and the villagers. In response, many Shors lost their homes to fire: Yana’s grandparents’ house, like many others in her village, by now completely emptied, was destroyed by arson that many believe was the coalmining industry response to their defense of their land and unwillingness to move. As a result of these protests, both Yana, who worked as a schoolteacher, and her husband, who was a local legislator, lost their jobs. Her husband sued the company but the court ruled in its favor. Then, with the help of the Batani Foundation, IWGIA (International Working Group on Indigenous Affairs), and The Center for Support of Indigenous Peoples of the North (CSIPN), the Tannagashev family filed a complaint to the UN Committee on Racial Discrimination and testified at its session. In 2018, under constant surveillance and threats to themselves and their children, Yana fled with her family to Sweden on a tourist visa, where she obtained asylum and currently lives in the northern region populated by its indigenous Saami people. Yana enjoys northern Sweden’s nature and way of life, including picking fruits and mushrooms in the forest. She also produces an English-language YouTube channel on her people’s struggle (titled ‘coal kills us’ – and Russian-language videos for the YouTube channel of the Memorial Anti-Discrimination Center (
  • Dr. Pavel SULYANDZIGA is a leader of the Udege people in the Maritime and Khabarovsk regions bordering with China and a Ph.D. in economics. The number of his native Udeges has declined, according to the Censuses, from circa 1,900 at the end of the Soviet Union to about 1,450 in 2010. In 2001-2010, Pavel was 1st Vice President of the Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON). He represented Russia’s indigenous communities in many international fora, including as a member of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (2005-10) and of the UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights (2011-17). In 2016, he ran as a candidate to Russia’s lower house, the Duma, on the slate of the liberal Yabloko party. In 2017, he was forced to seek asylum in the US and settled in Maine. He founded and currently leads Batani (‘the mighty one’ in Udege), the International Indigenous Fund for Development and Solidarity (; this organization is a successor to the Batani Foundation that operated in Russia from 2004 to 2017 where it was listed by the authorities as a ‘foreign agent’ and subsequently shut down by court at the demand of the Ministry of Justice. Pavel is also co-chair of the Board of our own American Russian-speaking Association for Civil & Human Rights ( He has a large family of activists and artists, one of whom, his son, Pavel Sulyandziga Jr., is an opera singer who performs not only from the stage but also sang at the rally in support of Alexey Navalny and Russia’s other political prisoners that our organization held in front of the UN headquarters in New York in January of this year.

The event was moderated by Dr. Dmitri GLINSKI (New York), President & CEO of the Russian-speaking Community Council ( and founding director of its analytical project, the Center for the Analysis & Development of Russian-speaking Diasporas. He noted that Russia’s ‘indigenous small-size peoples’ – the official term inherited by it from the Soviet Union – comprise 40 ethnicities of about 300,000 people in total, i.e. circa 0.2 percent of Russia’s population (which is not dissimilar from the share of all immigrants from former Soviet countries in the US demographics). Just as in North America and some other countries, they are among the racial minorities whose history was shaped by conquest, forced Christianization and displacement. Some of them have been in demographic decline for decades, losing their native languages, in no small part due to Russia’s education policies, and a few of them disappearing altogether – as, for example, the Kereks in the Chukotka Peninsula (there were eight of them by the 2002 Census and only four left by 2010). But these peoples form one of the core elements of Russia’s uniqueness and integrity as a country of over 190 ethnic minorities. And their decline along with the already low population density increases the demographic pressures on Siberia from the South, especially from China.

Unfortunately, these issues are by and large neglected by the main pro- and anti-Putin forces in Russia and in emigration; most of them focus their analysis and debates almost exclusively upon the Kremlin and the main protagonists of increasingly polarized political scene in Moscow and other major cities. Hardly anyone remembers of the contributions of Russia’s indigenous community leaders to the common cause of anti-authoritarian opposition (including multiple revolts of the Nenets people against Bolshevik rule; Yevdokia Gaer, a Nanay activist and scholar who in 1989 was among the handful of legislators in the Soviet Congress of People’s Deputies who took a stand in support of Andrey Sakharov when he was vilified from the podium; and the fact that the Nenets Autonomous District in the Far North was the only one of the Federation units to vote against the constitutional amendments allowing Putin to run for presidency again). Almost all political forces in Russia, whether pro- or anti-Kremlin, are busy rallying their supporters around a single leader or a narrow group, enforcing unity in most cases at the expense of diversity. This impetus, in turn, is a byproduct of the pressures coming from the major players of the global economy and politics for whom large homogenous and clearly distinct blocks of consumers and voters are the most convenient developmental outcomes. In contrast, the democratic tradition in Russia’s political thought – exemplified, among others, by its 20th century historian Mikhail Gefter – emphasizes the country’s ethnic and cultural diversity, and even, in Gefter’s own words, ‘development for which differentiation is both a starting point and a goal, a development of differences, purified from the toxins of imperialism, racism, selfishness, ethnic parochialism and exceptionalism’. The lack of attention to these differences with their constitutive role in Russia’s identity on the part of the anti-Putin opposition in Russia and abroad, and, on the other hand, the intensifying nationalistic pitch from the Kremlin and all the main parties in the Duma is likely to make it more difficult at the next turn toward reforms in Russia to convince nationalists in some of its ethnic minority regions that equity and justice for them can be achieved within Russia’s present borders.

Dr. Sulyandziga emphasized that Russia’s authorities are keenly interested in its indigenous peoples in their own way, trying to exploit them to burnish the Kremlin’s image and holding more related events in the international fora than other countries do. However, these events are typically Potyomkin village style and devoid of substance. The national organization of indigenous peoples that was set up during Gorbachev’s perestroika is now completely controlled by the authorities; its delegations to the UN always include a curator from the government that instructs them on what to say. Professionally trained experts on indigenous issues are leaving the stage without a suitable replacement. The State Polar Academy that was set up in St. Petersburg in the 1990s owing to the efforts of French explorer Jean Malaurie and was designed to train indigenous professionals while exposing them to the outside world ceased to exist in 2015 as a result of a merger with another institution. Many at the highest levels of Russia’s government do not even grasp the concept of ‘indigenous peoples’, as reflected by the public outrage on the part of Vladimir Putin and the Duma at the fact that Ukraine’s new law on indigenous peoples did not list Russians among them. And some of their critics are at times no better: thus, historian Dmitry Syomushkin, writing on the website EurAsia Daily, criticizes Russia’s legislature by trying to explain to it that … “indigenous people” were historically known as “savages”.

The Batani Foundation is conducting talks with various actors on improving the lot of Russia’s indigenous peoples. They are engaged in complicated negotiations with Russia’s Norilsk Nikel, which is one of the pillars of Russia’s economic ‘oligarchy’ and is known for its predatory behavior in the extractive industry. The Foundation is also involved in the launch of a global negotiating platform for the indigenous peoples on the green economy, with the purpose to ensure that it benefits them instead of yet again making their areas of residence a target of exploitation in the extraction of materials necessary for renewable energy production. In addition, they have drafted a public appeal to Russia’s authorities against the persecutions of indigenous community leaders.

The roundtable was also joined by a member of Russia’s another, non-indigenous ethnic minority, the Buryats, who also felt compelled to leave Russia and currently lives in Chicago.

The roundtable program will be continued on Oct. 31 with a discussion of the legacy of Russian-American scientist, political prisoner and human rights advocate Alexander Bolonkin and his quest for reparations for the victims of Soviet-era political persecution.

Roundtable videorecording (also viewable on / Видеозапись круглого стола (также на нашей фейсбук-странице

* * *


“Российские выборы на зарубежных участках: основные тенденции” (один из разделов ведущегося нами исследования) / ‘Voting From Abroad In Russia’s Elections: Major Trends’ (a chapter from our ongoing research project)

Часть 2. “Каких избирателей вам угодно?” Зарубежные участки в ряде городов, где прошлые голосования заканчивались не в пользу власти, в этом году закрыты. Зато появились новые – там, где результаты её устраивали


27 июня мы провели круглый стол о месте ЛГБТИК-сообществ в правозащитном и политическом контексте России и эмиграции. На нём был поставлен вопрос о взаимосвязи между правами ЛГБТИК и проблемами, находящимися в центре внимания общества и СМИ – такими, как всё более жестокое подавление политических свобод в России, рост числа политзаключённых, конфронтация с Западом, военные авантюры Кремля и новая волна политэмиграции – а также о возможной роли ЛГБТИК-сообществ в продвижении глубоких ценностных изменений в России и в диаспоре, которые способствовали бы также и политическим переменам и необходимы для их устойчивости.
Ведущий и основной докладчик – Алексей ГОРШКОВ (г. Питтсбург), сотрудник Университета Слиппери-Рок Пенсильвании, сопредседатель РУСА-ЛГБТ (тема выступления – “Квир-диссидентство: Особенности политической ЛГБТИК иммиграции в США”)
На круглом столе также выступили:
* Александра НОВИЦКАЯ (Нью-Йорк), гендеролог, участница Виртуальной исследовательской лаборатории при Центре исследований России, Восточной Европы и Евразии в Университете Иллиноя в Урбане-Шампейн – “История и трансформация русскоязычных ЛГБТК диаспор в постсоветский период” (тезисы доклада – здесь)
* Анна ТАЛИСМАН (г. Тель-Авив), социальная работница, лектор, исследовательница и общественная деятельница -“Русскоязычная ЛГБТИК+ диаспора в Израиле”
* Михаэль ДОРФМАН (Нью-Йорк), публицист – “Новые небинарные горизонты”/

On June 27 we held our roundtable on LGBTQ communities in the human rights and political context of the Russian-speaking world. The speakers and discussants touched upon the connections between LGBTQ rights and the issues at the center of public debate in and about Russia – such as the increasingly brutal suppression of political freedoms, the swelling of the ranks of political prisoners, confrontation with the West, the Kremlin’s military exploits and the new wave of political emigration – and on the role that LGBTQ communities play, or could play in terms of value changes in Russia and the diaspora that could also contribute to political changes and help make them sustainable.
Roundtable moderator and main presenter: Alexey GORSHKOV (Pittsburgh), Slippery Rock University, Co-President of RUSA-LGBT – ‘Queer Dissent: Characteristics of LGBTQ Political Immigration to the US’
Other speakers:
* Alexandra NOVITSKAYA (New York), gender studies scholar, member of Virtual Research Lab at the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign – ‘The History and Transformation of Russian-speaking LGBTQ Diasporas in the Post-Soviet Era’
* Anna TALISMAN (Tel Aviv), social worker, lecturer, researcher and activist – ‘The Russian-speaking LGBTQ+ Diaspora in Israel’
* Michael DORFMAN (New York), essayist – ‘New Non-Binary Horizons’

On May 23, we held our roundtable dedicated to the centennial of Andrei Sakharov – ‘The Freedom of Movement in Andrei Sakharov’s Thought and the Global Russian-speaking Diaspora’. The event took place with participation of some of Sakharov’s closest collaborators during his lifetime and his family members addressing us from Boston, Washington, New York, and Moscow, as well as some of the organizers of this year’s worldwide Russian-speaking diaspora rallies of solidarity with Russia’s and Belarus’ present-day political prisoners, joining us from Sidney, Paris, Edmonton and Atlanta. Please enjoy the videorecording here:

23 мая мы провели круглый стол, посвящённый столетию академика Андрея Сахарова и, в частности, его борьбе за свободу передвижения, значимости его идей и поступков для формирования современной мировой русскоязычной диаспоры и их сегодняшнему звучанию в России и за её пределами. На нём выступили некоторые из его сподвижников и родных, подключившихся к зуму из Бостона, Вашингтона, Нью-Йорка и Москвы, а также организаторы ряда недавних митингов солидарности с российскими и беларусскими политзаключёнными из Сиднея, Парижа, Эдмонтона и Атланты. Видеозапись форума можно посмотреть здесь:

On April 25, 2021, our Center held a roundtable on Russia’s political exiles in the EU: “Russian-speaking Diaspora’s Development in the European Union in Light of the Crackdown on Dissent in Russia and Belarus”. The opening remarks were delivered by the Center’s co-founder Dr. Dmitri Glinski, and the roundtable discussion was moderated by another co-founder of the Center Prof. Sergei Erofeev. The following presentations were in the program:
Dr. Cécile Vaissié , Professor (France) – ‘The Kremlin’s tools in its struggle to control the diaspora’
Igor Eidman (Germany) – ‘Russian emigration and the Liberation Movement: yesterday, today, tomorrow’
Evgenia Chirikova (Estonia) – ‘The actual efficacy of protesting in Russia’
Marharyta Taraikevich (Belarus – Belgium) – ‘Racism and struggle for tolerance among immigrants from post-Soviet countries’ Maxime Filandrov (France) – ‘Prospects for the development of the Russian diaspora in Europe’

You are welcome to watch the videorecording here:

25 апреля 2021 г. состоялся наш очередной круглый стол – “Развитие русскоязычной диаспоры в странах Евросоюза в контексте роста политических репрессий в России и Беларуси“.

Вводные замечания к дискуссии представил один из со-основателей нашего Центра Дмитрий Глинский, а модерировал её другой со-основатель профессор Сергей Ерофеев. С сообщениями по теме круглого стола выступили:
Профессор Сесиль Вессье (Франция) – «Методы борьбы Кремля за диаспору»
Игорь Эйдман (Германия) – «Российская эмиграция и освободительное движение: вчера, сегодня, завтра»
Евгения Чирикова (Эстония) – «Реальная эффективность протеста в России»
Маргарита Тарайкевич (Беларусь – Бельгия) – «Расизм и борьба за толерантность среди эмигрантов из СНГ» Максим Филандров (Франция) – «Перспективы развития российской диаспоры в Европе»


Французский политолог, профессор российских и советских исследований университета Rennes-2, специалистка по истории советского и российского правозащитного движения и автор нескольких книг, среди которых «За вашу и нашу свободу! Диссидентское движение в России» (1999), «Кремлёвские сети во Франции» (2016) и «Клан Михалковых» (2019).

Известный российский социолог, эксперт по социологии Интернета и развитию социальных сетей, директор по исследовательским и сетевым проектам Института инновационного развития, автор концептуального исследования по теоретической социологии и социальной истории, электронной демократии “Прорыв в будущее. Социология интернет-революции” (2007). Занимается практической реализацией проектов политических и потребительских социальных сетей.

Российский политик, лидер движения «Экологическая оборона Московской области» («Экооборона») и «Движения в защиту Химкинского леса», член оргкомитета Стратегия-31, предприниматель, совладелец, исполнительный директор компаний ООО «ЭЗОП» («Электроэнергетика и защита от помех») и ООО «Элнар-Сервис». Член Координационного Совета российской оппозиции. Награда «Храбрая женщина» (2011)[4], Премия Голдманов в области охраны окружающей среды (2012).

Педагог, магистр социально-педагогических наук. Гражданка Беларуси и Бельгии. Участвует в качестве волонтрера в проекте по популяризации среди молодёжи и подростков знаний о социологии миграции “Migration : Au-delà de préjugés” (“Миграция: преодолевая предрассудки”) Свободного Университета Брюсселя. Работает над проектом исследования участие эмигрантов из России, Беларуси и Украины в дискуссиях об иммиграции в Бельгии.

Дипломат (ОБСЕ, ЕС), бывший представитель Европейской комиссии по северо-западу России (2006-2007), эксперт по выборам и по политическим вопросам, консультант по стратегии, лектор по международным отношениям и экономике во французских университетах и бизнес-школах. Сооснователь и президент организации Russie-Libеrtés (Париж, 2011-2012). Сооснователь Центра анализа и развития русскоязычных диаспор и Совета российской диаспоры за прекращение политических репрессий «Выпускай!» (2021).

Видеозапись дискуссии можно просмотреть здесь:

On March 21, 2021, we held a roundtable on ‘Russian-speaking Israelis: Life, Politics, Human Rights’, jointly with Israeli human rights organization “Our Heritage – The Democratic Charter”.

You can view the video of this discussion (in Russian) here:

Opening remarks: Dr. Dmitri Glinski

Keynote presentation: Dr. Alla Shainskaya, ‘Russian-speaking Diaspora Through Activist’s Lenses: 30 Years Is Not 40 yet – What Has Happened And What We Should Expect’

Additional remarks: Pavel Margulyan, 89.1FM radio anchor, ‘Israel on Elections’ Eve’

Anna Katz, commentator, ‘Russian-speaking Community on Israel’s Political Map’

Arkady Mazin, journalist, ‘Russian-speaking Israelis as Carriers and Victims of Racism’

We thank all our speakers and participants in the discussion from Israel, the US, Belgium, Denmark and France for a substantial, in-depth conversation. /

21 марта 2021 г. состоялся наш совместный круглый стол с израильской организацией “Наше наследие – демократическая хартия” на тему: “Русскоязычные израильтяне: жизнь, политика, права человека”. После вступительного слова одного из со-основателей Центра Дмитрия Глинского с основным докладом выступила известный общественный деятель и учёный Алла Шаинская, глава совета директоров организации “Наше наследие – демократическая хартия”, в прошлом заведующая лабораторией Института Вейцмана (г.Реховот) и член руководства парламентской партии “МЕРЕЦ”.

Содоклады представили:

Павел Маргулян, ведущий журналист, радио 89.1 фм, “Израиль перед очередными выборами”

Анна Кац, публицист, “Русскоязычная община на политической карте Израиля”

Аркадий Мазин, журналист, “Русскоязычные израильтяне: носители и жертвы расизма”

Благодарим всех выступавших и участников из Израиля, США, Бельгии, Дании, Франции за глубокий, содержательный разговор. Видеозапись можно увидеть здесь:

28 февраля 2021 г. мы провели наш очередной круглый стол – “Ценности русскоязычной диаспоры: новая протестная волна в свете долгосрочных тенденций”.

Вступительное слово: Дмитрий Глинский, Русскоязычный общественный совет/АРПА, один из основателей Центра
Основной доклад:
Сергей Ерофеев, социолог (Университет Ратгерса), один из основателей Центра – “Чего хотят русскоязычные Запада?”
С популярными научными сообщениями выступят:
Татьяна Голова, социолог, Центр восточноевропейских и международных исследований (ZOiS), Берлин, “Русскоязычные в Германии: культурные среды и соцсети”
Олег Журавлёв, социолог, Public Sociology Laboratory, сетевая научная группа, Россия, “О характере политизации россиян: региональные наблюдения и качественный анализ”
Регина Смит, политолог (Университет Индианы), “Новые методы и неучтённые взаимосвязи в изучении диаспор”

Видеозапись обсуждения можно посмотреть здесь:

On Feb. 28, 2021 we held another roundtable in our series – “The Values of the Russian-Speaking Diaspora: The New Protest Wave In The Light Of Longer-Term Trends”.

Opening remarks:
Dmitri Glinski, Ph.D., Russian-speaking Community Council/ARA, co-founder of the Center
Keynote presentation:
Sergey Erofeev, sociologist (Rutgers University), ‘What Do Russian-speaking Diasporas in the West Want?’
Also presenting:
Tatiana Golova, sociologist, Center of East European and International Studies (ZOiS), Berlin, ‘Russian-speakers in Germany: Cultural Environments and Social Media’
Oleg Zhuravlev, sociologist, Public Sociology Laboratory (scholarly network), Russia, ‘On the Character of the Politicization of Russians: Regional Observations and Qualitative Analysis’.
Regina Smyth, Ph.D., Indiana University, ‘New Methods and Overlooked Linkages in Diaspora Studies’

You are welcome to view the recording (in Russian) here:

Roundtable on Human Rights in US-Russian Relations in the New Era, by American Russian-speaking Association for Civil & Human Rights, with Russian-speaking Community Council, International Indigenous Fund for Development and Solidarity ‘Batani’, and General Petro Grigorenko Foundation (Dec. 10, 2020) / Круглый стол Американской русскоязычной правозащитной ассоциации совместно с Русскоязычным общественным советом, Международным фондом развития и солидарности коренных народов “Батани” и Фондом генерала Петро Григоренко (10 дек. 2020 г.)


The Russian Diaspora Has Voted ‘No’ on Extending Autocratic Rule in Russia / Российская диаспора проголосовала против укрепления авторитарного режима в России

Statement by American Russian-speaking Association for Civil & Human Rights, International Indigenous Fund for development and solidarity «Batani», and Committee for Russian Economic Freedom / Заявление Американской русскоязычной правозащитной ассоциации, Международного Фонда развития и солидарности коренных народов “Батани” и Комитета российской экономической свободы


In 2016, our group of organizations initiated the following appeal to the Chancellor and the Board of Trustees of the City University of New York (CUNY), which remains relevant to our work today: / В 2016 г. наша группа организаций инициировала следующее обращение к руководству Городского университета Нью-Йорка – обретающее новую актуальность в контексте нынешнего проекта, на сайте которого вы сейчас находитесь:

PETITION INITIATED BY A COALITION OF ORGANIZATIONS AND COMMUNITY LEADERS, INCLUDING: Russian-speaking Community Council of Manhattan and the Bronx; The Pushkin Society in America; Lodyjensky Immigration Archive Center of Russian and Ukrainian Culture; Russian American Cultural Center; The Lazar Khidekel Society; American Russian-speaking Association for Civil & Human Rights; Association of the Children of War from the Former Soviet Union

Dear Chancellor Milliken and CUNY Board of Trustees!

Next year will mark the 100th anniversary since the start of a major wave of immigration from Russia, as well as 25 years of post-Soviet immigration to the US. Immigrants from Russia were the largest immigrant group in NYC 100 years ago, and Russian-speaking immigrants from former Soviet countries are the third largest linguistic minority today. The contributions of this immigrant group to American economy, culture and the arts, education and public affairs range from Irving Berlin’s “God Bless America” to the founding of such companies as Google and several Nobel Prizes. Yet the Russian-speaking diaspora in America has never been systematically studied and is poorly understood (with the resulting stereotypes and misrepresentations in the media and mass culture). Its accomplishments and struggles necessitate the establishment of an academic institution for the study of this community, using the untapped potential of its many brilliant scholars and thought leaders. This will help advance our knowledge of New York City population and its needs, improving government services, and developing a better mutual understanding and awareness between our various communities.

We believe the change in this regard is long overdue. And the best institution to lead a major effort in this area is the City University of New York. Of all the academic institutions in the city, CUNY has the largest and most successful experience in developing ethnic and diaspora studies, having 20 institutes and centers devoted to the study of different diasporas, including Latino, Mexican, Dominican, Caribbean, Italian, Irish, Greek, French, Asian, African, and Jewish. It also has four Russian language programs, the largest and the most successful of them based at Hunter College. Building the institute around it might just be the right solution.

We are hereby calling upon CUNY Chancellor and the Board of Trustees (together with other relevant authorities at CUNY, New York State and New York City governments) to start the process of identifying and allocating resources for the establishment of an Institute for the Study of Russian-Speaking/Post-Soviet Diaspora in New York – under the stewardship of our immigrant scholars and community leaders. Our organizations stand ready to contribute to it with our own research teams led by prominent scholars that have accumulated considerable expertise in researching and managing research in Russian-speaking community affairs.

We also call upon all our friends and partners, inside and outside of the Russian-speaking community, to support this initiative by signing this petition and taking part in our joint advocacy in its support. We are hereby establishing the Organizing Committee for a Russian/Post-Soviet Diaspora Research Institute and invite other community leaders and scholars to join in its formation.


Уважаемый г-н Милликен и Совет попечителей CUNY,

В следующем году исполняется 100 лет с начала большой волны эмиграции из России, вызванной событиями 1917 года, а также 25 лет постсоветской иммиграции. Сегодня русскоязычные иммигранты из стран бывшего СССР и Израиля являются третьим по величине языковым меньшинством современного Нью-Йорка. Вклад русскоязычной иммиграции в американскую историю, экономику, культуру и общественную жизнь огромен – от песни Ирвинга Берлина “God Bless America” до ряда крупных компаний, включая Гугл, и около десятка нобелевских премий. Однако в отличие от многих других иммигрантских групп русскоязычная Америка никогда систематически не изучалась ни одним исследовательским центром. С этим связан недостаток взаимопонимания между русскоязычными американцами и остальным обществом. 

Считаем, что перемены в этой области давно назрели. И что наиболее подходящим учреждением для того, чтобы инициировать эти перемены, является Городской университет Нью-Йорка – CUNY. Из всех академических учреждений города у CUNY наиболее значительный и успешный опыт по развитию исследований различных этнических групп. В составе CUNY – 20 институтов и центров по изучению различных диаспор, включая Центр латиноамериканских исследований, Мексиканкий институт, Доминиканский институт, Центр изучения итальянцев в Америке, Итальянско-американский институт, Центр изучения африканской диаспоры, Центр по изучению американцев ближневосточного происхождения, Институт по изучению азиатско-американской общины, Институт исследований ирландской общины, Центр по изучению карибской диаспоры Нью-Йорка, два Центра еврейских исследований и т.д. Что же до русских программ, в CUNY на сегодняшний день действуют четыре программы по русскому языку. Наиболее крупная и успешная из них находится в Hunter College, и создание института на её основе может быть одним из наиболее перспективных вариантов решения этого вопроса.

Мы обращаемся к вам (а также, через вас, и к другим участникам принятия подобных решений, как в CUNY, так и в правительстве штата и города) с тем, чтобы администрация СUNY изыскала материальные ресурсы и инициировала создание Института изучения русскоязычной и постсоветских диаспор – под руководством исследователей, знатоков и организаторов общины из числа новых американцев. В частности, наши организации накопили значительный опыт исследований в этой области и будут рады предоставить его в качестве нашего вклада в создание и развитие такого института.  

Приглашаем всех наших друзей и партнёров, как внутри общины так и вне её, подписать наше обращение и принять участие в дальнейших совместных действиях для продвижения данного проекта. Настоящим мы также учреждаем Общественный комитет по созданию Института изучения русскоязычной и постсоветских диаспор Нью-Йорка и приглашаем других лидеров общины и исследователей русскоязычной иммиграции в него войти.







While About A Half of Immigrant Voters From Former Soviet Countries Favor Donald Trump, A Significant Minority – About A Quarter – Will Vote Or Already Voted For Hillary, And Their Share In The Swing States May Be Slightly Higher

Opinion poll by Russian-Speaking Americans’ Research Group
Press Release and Executive Summary

In October 2016, several Russian-speaking nonprofit organizations and media companies (including the nationwide American Russian-speaking Association for Civil & Human Rights and Denver-based Russian-language weekly Vestnik) formed a joint nonpartisan research unit – Russian-speaking Americans’ Research Group. The purpose of this group is to measure and report on the political attitudes and behaviors of immigrants/new Americans from former Soviet countries. We are proud to release our first product, a survey of Russian-speaking/ex-Soviet/Eurasian voters across the United States.

The survey was conducted from 10/24 to 11/4/2016, with a random sample of 265 individuals across 25 states, including the swing states of Florida, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Georgia, North Carolina, Colorado, Arizona, Wisconsin, Iowa, as well as New York, New Jersey, California, Washington, Illinois, Massachusetts, Maryland, Texas, Ohio, Minnesota, Oregon, Connecticut, Alaska, Missouri, Tennessee, and Kansas. Respondents included natives of 9 out of 15 post-Soviet nations: Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Moldova, Georgia, and Lithuania (around 30% of all U.S. voters participating in the survey were born in Ukraine, 28% in Russia, and 28% in other countries of the region).
Below are some of the key highlights of the data yielded by this survey:

1. Out of the total number of those who responded to our survey, 79% were identified as potential voters, i.e. those eligible to vote in the U.S. who also did not state that they were not voting in principle. Of this group, 73% were planning to vote on November 8, while another 13% had already voted. Only 3% percent stated that they were not going or most likely not going to vote this year, and an equal number were still undecided.

2. 53.3% of voters in the survey who expressed their preferences either planned to vote or had already voted for Donald Trump, or were leaning toward this decision. Meanwhile, 24.4% either planned or had already voted for Hillary Clinton or were inclined to vote for her. 20% of Russian-speaking voters had not made their decision yet.

3. Among voters younger than 60, the extent of support for both candidates was higher: 27% were planning to vote and another 4% were inclined to vote for Hillary. 47% of voters in this age group were planning to vote for Trump and 9% were leaning toward him, while only 7% were undecided.

4. However, among Russian-speaking voters living in the swing states only (the 11 states that are viewed as competitive in this election, namely, Florida, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Georgia, Virginia, North Carolina, Colorado, Michigan, Arizona, Wisconsin, Nevada, New Hampshire, and Iowa), among respondents based in these states, the share of Clinton supporters was higher than across the country on average, while Trump’s was lower: 25.4% of Russian-speaking voters in these states favored Clinton, while 41.3% were going to vote Trump.

5. Both pro-Trump and pro-Clinton respondents showed high levels of concern with U.S. foreign policy: 72% of Trump Russian-speaking supporters and 62.5% of Clinton’s cited foreign policy as an issue that was of great importance to them in the upcoming elections. Other issues, including taxes, health care, law and order, received less attention from respondents. However, among Hillary’ Russian-speaking supporters, foreign policy shared its position as the primary concern with the issue of candidate’s personal reputation and behavior: those concerned with the candidate’s personality amounted to 62.5% of Clinton supporters. Meanwhile, among Trump supporters less than a half – just 45% – listed the candidate’s behavior and reputation as one of their primary concern in the upcoming election.

6. While most respondents report using both Russian- and English-language media as their information source, the share of those who rely on Russian-language media only is significantly higher among Trump supporters – 24%, compared to just 12% of Clinton supporters. 41% of Clinton’s Russian-speaking supporters identified only English-language media as their information source; meanwhile, among Trump supporters, those using only English-language media was less than a quarter and slightly less than the share of his supporters relying only on Russian-language media. Among those who mentioned only Russian-language media as their source of information on the campaign, 58% were going to vote for Trump versus merely 14% either planning to vote for Hillary or leaning toward her.

7. As to the congressional elections, 45% of Russian-speaking voters were planning to vote for a Republican candidate and another 5% were inclined to do so. The share of Russian-speaking voters committed to voting for a Democrat stood at 15%, with another 3% leaning Democratic. Meanwhile, a total of 23% were either not planning to vote for a congressional candidate or had not made up their minds about it.

8. When asked about their choice in the previous presidential election of 2012, 27% of those polled indicated that they had voted for Obama, while 37% had voted for Mitt Romney. 13% reported that they did not vote in 2012 and another 10% were not yet eligible to vote in those elections.

This survey was conducted on landline as well as cellular phones. Respondents were approached on the basis of their last names by phones in the national Yellow Pages, as well as through our organizations’ mailing lists and phone banks. We used the latest available American Community Survey data on the language spoken at home by ability to speak English for the population 5 years and older (1-year estimates of 2015 and 5-year estimates of 2014), broken down by states and major cities to develop a polling sample that best approximates the distribution of Russian-speaking and other post-Soviet/Eurasian immigrant voters across the country. The survey’s confidence interval is 95% and the margin of error is approximately +/-6%.

Further research and analysis of the Russian-speaking and other immigrant communities from the region is necessary to develop a full picture of America’s immigrant diversity and the aspirations of its naturalized citizens across ethnicities and races. Unfortunately, the availability of disaggregated data for research on immigrants from the former Soviet bloc is extremely limited, partly because, unlike all other major immigrant, racial and ethnic minorities, immigrants from the region are typically lumped together with ‘whites’ on most of U.S.Census forms, except for some American Community Survey questionnaires and are not identified in any manner at all in Current Population Survey (CPS). This points to the need to modify the ethnic classification in all U.S.Census and Department of Labor forms to account for the large group of immigrants from the 21 countries of the former Soviet bloc.
The Russian-speaking Americans’ Research Group plans to continue its work on election polls and other related projects.

Dr. Dmitri Daniel Glinski – Co-Director (New York, NY)
Dr. Natalia Mironova – Co-Director (Los Angeles, CA)
Vladimir Lepler (Denver, CO)
Dr. Igor Kokarev (Santa Monica, CA)
Dr. Igor Mandel (New York, NY)
Svetlana Novikova (Princeton, NJ)
Natalia Vasilyeva (Juniper, FL)
Lyubov Vershinina (New York, NY)

История нашего Центра восходит к 2015 г., когда наш Русскоязычный общественный совет (в то время “Манхэттена и Бронкса”) организовал и провёл исследовательскую конференцию в Колумбийском университете, при поддержке горсовета Нью-Йорка (депутатские гранты членов горсовета Иданиса Родригеса и Марка Левина). На конференции мы объявили о планах создания центра прикладных исследований русскоязычной диаспоры для нужд наших иммигрантов и государственных ведомств в районах их проживания. Рефераты докладов на конференции, посвящённых проблемам наших диаспор в США, Израиле и в глобальном масштабе – ниже:

Наталья ПЕТРОФФ, “Русско-английский двуязычный проект ‘Начальная грамотность'”

Михаэль ДОРФМАН, “Община русскоязычных иммигрантов в Израиле в контексте глобальной миграции”

Павел МАМОНТОВ, “Русскоязычные иммигранты в американских профсоюзах: история и современность”

The history of our Center goes back to 2015, when our Russian-speaking Community Council (back then, “of Manhattan and the Bronx”), organized and held a research conference at Columbia University. The event was made possible by support from The New York City Council under discretionary awards by Councilmembers Ydanis Rodriguez and Mark Levine. We then announced our plan to develop an applied research center to advance the knowledge of our immigrant community among ourselves and relevant government agencies. Below are the summaries of our scholars’ presentations at that conference which touched upon the lives of Russian-speaking communities in the US, Israel, and worldwide:

Dr. Natalya PETROFF (in Russian only – see above)

Michael DORFMAN, “Russian-speaking Immigrants in Israel in the Context of International Migration”

Pavel MAMONTOV, “Historical Role of Russian Immigrants in US Labor Movement”

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